Venerable members of this group:

Noung$, mauler@+, legbagede, The Debutante@, aneurin, Voodoo Chile, tinymurmur, CloudStrife, Tlachtga, Kalkin, bishopred1, bookw56, Velox, Haschel47, McCart42, QuietLight, Tiefling, KGBNick, Domin, Zibblsnrt, pylon, Diabolic, Halcyonide, Two Sheds, gitm, LeoDV, Asphodel, Palpz, phiz, tokki, The Lush, Aerobe, MCX, Bakeroo, Mercuryblues, Nadine_2, Gorgonzola, Lila, futilelord, Auduster, per ou, dragon rage, yudabioye, TerribleAspect, corvus, Nzen, mcd
This group of 47 members is led by Noung$

Baku is the capital city of Azerbaijan, as well as one of the larger cities in that small nation, with an estimated 1991 population of 1,713,000 people, though the population has swelled to an estimated 1,900,000, with more than three million people in the metro area due to evacuations from the war torn areas near Armenia. Situated on the west coast of the Caspian Sea, the city takes up the majority of the Abseron Peninsula that rings the Bay of Baku. Called Baki in the Azerbaijani language, the word is considered to be derived from the Persian words bad kube, meaning effectively “hit by winds” or “blown upon by mountain winds”, though another theory is that the name comes from the Persian Bagh-Kuh, meaning “the Mount of God”. The city itself is made up of 11 districts and 48 townships, including some on islands in the Bay of Baku and the Caspian Sea. One such township, Oil Rocks, is actually a manmade island more than 100 km out to sea from the city of Baku.

The main city of Baku is centered on the old fortress town of Icheri-Shekher. The majority of the walls of this old city survive to this day, having been strengthen by the Russians following there 1806 seizure of the town. Among the many places of import in the old city are, the 27 meter tall tower of Kyz-Kalasy (Maiden’s Tower), said to have been built in the 12th century AD. Also within the old city are the Synyk-Kala Minaret (built between 1078 and 1079), the court of law (Divan-Khan), the Dzhuma-Mechet Minaret and the mausoleum said to be attributed to the astronomer Seida Bakuvi.

Beyond the old city is the new, ringing the hills that once surrounded the old city of Baku, this new city is a center of education and culture for the region. Much of the waterfront has been made the domain of a peaceful and attractive park area and the industrial sectors of the city have been mostly regulated to the eastern and southwestern ends of Baku. There is one major university in Baku as well as at least eight other institutions of higher education within the city. The Azerbaijan Academy of Sciences makes up this number and conducts a large amount of scientific research and studies; as well there is one institute which focuses exclusively on the oil industry. Baku also does not lack for museums, theatres, parks and other cultural establishments.

The city of Baku has built itself on petroleum in the last century and a half. Indeed it is recorded as far back as the 15th century that oil lamps in Baku were fueled by surface wells of petroleum and records of the oil itself exist as far back as the 8th century AD. The first full scale commercial development of the oil industry would begin in 1872, and at that time Baku contained one of the richest known oil deposits in the world. With the with the last half of the twentieth century bringing an exhausting of Baku’s land based oil supplies, the city itself has moved to a supporting role in the extraction of the rich supplies of oil in the Caspian. The industries have also further developed and Baku is now a leading producing region for oil industry machinery and for basic chemical production, as well as textiles and foodstuffs.

History

".. the city has two extraordinarily fortified strong stone castles. One of them, the biggest, is near the sea, and the waves waste its walls. This is the castle, which the Tartars (Mongols) could not capture. The other castle is higher than the first one. Its top is destroyed by balusters. A special feature of this city is the constant wind which is blowing day and night. Sometimes it is so strong that it is impossible for a man to go against the wind, horses and sheep in winter are often swept into the sea because they can not hold themselves on land. Here are deposits of tar and oil, oil is extracted daily for more than two hundred camel pack-loads. Near them, there is another oil spring, which is ceaselessly pouring out oil day and night, this oil is as white as jasmine oil, its rental estimates thousand dirharns. Near the oil-wells there is hard soil of yellow color, which burns like a candle. People break off pieces of it and take it back to the town for heating their houses and baths". From "Kitabi Talhis as-Asor, Va'aja'ib al-malik alkahhar" by Abd or-Rashid al-Bakuvi, written in 1403.

The first known reference to Baku is around the year 885, but there is significant evidence that a settlement existed in the area as early as 300 BC and speculation exists that the city could actually have been well established by the 7th century BC. The rich supply of natural resources in the area, such as saffron and salt, would attribute to the quick growth of Baku as a commercial center. The spread of a feudal society in the area gave rise to a system of fortified towers, which became the front lines in the defense of the immediate areas around Baku and a quick route through which important signals could be relayed. The earliest settlement of the city existed along the coast of the Caspian Sea (Khazar), and is the present day location of many of the great monuments and buildings in Baku. The Giz Galasi (Maiden’s Tower) itself, though dated to the 12th century AD is said to have had its first foundation laid as early as the 5th to 7th century BC. The city is also said to have been the location of an important fire temple of the Zoroastrianism religion of ancient Persia.

With the 9th century decline of the Abbas’ caliphate, the area of Baku would fall under the sway of the state of the Shirvan-Shah. The 11th century would bring real economic development of Baku, as the city became one of the most important cities in the Shirvan domain. Following an earthquake in the Shirvan-Shah capital of Shemakha, in 1191 the capital was moved to Baku by Ahistan I. The city walls of Baku can also be dated to this time period, with a recently discovered inscription that attributes them to Shirvanshah Manuchuhr II (1120 – 1160). Baku, unfortunately, would fall to the Mongols in 1230 AD and the city would be razed by the Mongol forces for its resistance to their conquest. Though various rulers attempted to revive the city, the area would be several centuries in recovering.

The 14th century would bring renewed prosperity to Baku though. Initially brought back into trade routes by the Genoese and Venetian traders, the city quickly reclaimed its hegemony over the Caspian Sea and then spread its trade links as far as India and China. Indeed, the city became so strong a trading force that at least several sources, including one atlas, published in 1375, referred to the Caspian Sea as Baku. To this day two of the cavansaries survive the Bukhara caravansary and the Multani caravansary. Following this revitalization of the city, the Shirvanshahs would again move their capitol to Baku. Under Khalilullah I (1417 – 1462), the city again became the capitol of the Shirvan and the city would be revitalized. It was then that the spectacular Shirvanshahs Palace would be built in Baku, which included the intricate lace like works of the Divan-Khane portals.

Baku would be sieged by the Safavid armies under Shah Ismail Khatai in 1501. And though the stout fortifications of the city would withstand the siege for many a day, the city eventually fell to the Safavid armies. Though the fall of the city was a hard blow to Shirvan, the state would manage to survive and hold Baku until 1538 when Shah Tahmasib of the Safavids completely conquered Shirvan. It was now that the next age of Baku would begin. For the Safavids were not only at war with Shirvan at the time, but also with the powerful Ottoman Empire and Baku would change hands numerous times in the next few years. The city fell to the Ottoman forces three times, in 1580, 1584 and 1590. But by 1607, following a revitalization of the Safavid army, the city was retaken yet again by the Safavids.

The city would again go through centuries of peace and prosperity as it grew and flourished. But this prosperity would attract the attention of another powerful foe. This time it was the Russian Empire that drove south across the Caspian Sea and sieged the city. Baku would withstand the naval bombardment from the Russian ships for a short while, but fell on June 26, 1723 and became a dominion of Russia under Peter I. Seeking to resettle some of the Russian minorities in Baku, Peter allowed many Armenians to settle in the newly conquered areas, as well as exiling about 5000 Kazan Tatars to the city. But the city would not remain in Russian hands indefinitely and, when the skilled commander Shah Nadir rose to power in Iran, the city was again taken by the nation of Iran.

Following the assassination of Shah Nadir in 1747, the city became part of an independent Baku Khanate under Mirza Mohammad. Though the city would retain its status as the capital of the new nation, it was again razed to the ground in 1795, this time by Aga Mohammad of Iran. Following this event, though the Iranian forces left the area, Baku’s fate was all but sealed; the Russian Empire, fearful of permanently losing its hold on the Caspian began to turn its sights upon Baku again. On June 13, 1796, Russian forces, under a general Zubov, entered the city and held it nominally in Russia’s name. Though Russian troops would be peacefully expelled less than a year later, the damage was done and Russia was determined to hold Baku.

Czar Alexander I would also attempt to take Baku after his father's death in 1801, but he first had to remove Iranian presence from the area, thus the Russian-Iranian Wars would be over the fate of Baku as well as other small areas of land around the western Caspian Sea. The city was again captured by Russian forces on October 3, 1806 and the ruler of the Baku Khanate, Huseingulu Khan, was forced to flee to Iran. Though Huseingulu would return in the lead of an Iranian army in 1826, the Russians again fought him off. The Turkmanchay Treaty of 1828 would formally place Baku within the Russian sphere of influence, but the city had been devastated and was reduced to only the inner, old part of the city, with less than 3000 inhabitants remaining.

The new Russian Transcaucasia would be run not from Baku, but from Shamakhy until 1859 when another earthquake devastated Shamakhy and forced to regional government to move to Baku. What would follow was a massive revitalization of the city, funded upon the new resource found within its reaches. Baku would again go from the brink of becoming a backwater city to one whose name was on everyone’s lips. Though oil was used throughout much of the history of Baku, it generally stayed a localized item throughout much of the city’s history. Though the English, Moscow Company, did send 6 expeditions to Central Asia and Baku from 1568 to 1574 and the abundance of oil was especially noted during these expeditions, it would not be until the 19th century that excavation of the oil began.

Full scale oil production would begin in Baku in 1872 and the city quickly became a bright spot on the world map. Long before the rest of the industrialized world was producing oil, Baku was and in great quantities. It would be the British who, along with the Russians, 300 years from their original expeditions would help establish the Baku oil industry. And over the span of the next few decades, the city of Baku became the development ground for much of what became the technologies and practices of which the world used to drill for and produce oil. With the new economic prosperity the city began to grow again, and by 1882 Baku’s population had skyrocketed to 43,000 people and it would jump again, reaching over 200,000 people by 1913. The period of joint British and Azerbaijan excavation of Baku’s oil reserves would end in April, 1920 though, when the Soviet forces seized control of the city.

The Soviet government of Russia was obviously ready to make Baku an important city within the new state. They needed the fuel reserves this city and its surrounding lands provided and World War II would drive that point home. During the war the Baku oil industry provided 75% of Russia’s oil reserves and in 1941 alone, the city’s industries extracted 23,482 million tons of oil. With Adolf Hitler’s drive toward the oil producing lands of Russia and the Middle East, Baku was undoubtedly on his mind. Though the city was partially evacuated and some of the production facilities were shut down, the wells of Baku continued to pump oil to the Russia war machine throughout the entirety of the war. Baku would continue to grow after the war and experienced yet another boom. In 1949 construction was completed on the township of Oil Rocks, though 100 km out to sea, this is considered a part of Baku and is unique in that it is an actual town built around oil derricks.

With the perestroika movement in the 1980s, chaos ruled in Baku as well as the entire Tran Caucasus area and divides began to appear among the many peoples in the region. When the Armenians expelled the Azerbaijani population of Garabagh, the city of Baku would receive many of those people. On November 17, 1988 mass demonstrations were conducted in Baku’s Lenin Square in the hopes that the Soviet government would put a stop to the Armenian actions. In response the Soviet government sent in troops to quall the town, leading to a massacre of nearly 750 people at the soldier’s hands, but the movement would not be slowed and on October 18, 1991 Baku became the capital of the newly founded nation of Azerbaijan.

Further problems would strike the city as Armenian forces continued to occupy much of Azerbaijan’s lands and refugees continued to stream into the city. One Heydar Aliyev would take control of the Republic of Azerbaijan though in 1993 and would quall much of the problems facing the nation. As well, he has brought oil investments back into the city, primarily through the British company of BP, which signed “The Contract of the Century” in 1994.



Sources
http://www.window2baku.com/eng/9Main.htm
http://www.absoluteastronomy.com/encyclopedia/b/ba/baku.htm
http://www.azer.com/aiweb/categories/magazine/63_folder/63_articles/63_adams.html
http://www.world66.com/europe/azerbaijan/baku/historyofbaku
Baku. (2005). Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved September 30, 2005, from Encyclopædia Britannica Premium Service http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-9011883
http://www.baku.com/
Dushanbe is the capital and largest city of the Central Asian nation of Tajikistan. The city has changed names several times over the last century, like many cities in the former Soviet Central Asian nations. Until 1929 it was known as Dushambe, with the name being changed in 1929 to Stalinabad and being changed again to Dushanbe in 1961. The original name is said to be derived form the Persian word Dusanbe, meaning Monday, based on the area’s old custom of having its market days on Mondays.

Located in the Hisor valley, along the Dushanbe River, the city sits at an average elevation of 823 meters above sea level. Though there is evidence of previous settlements on the modern day location of Dushanbe, no specific mentions of the city are made until the 17th century. But the fact that Dushanbe sits astride the ancient Silk Road speaks strongly of a possibility that such a settlement may once have existed and declined until it was left to rot away with the shift to ocean based trade from the late 15th century onward.

The small city or, more correctly for the time, town of Dushanbe, in the 18th century, was located in lands that had long fallen under the sway of the beg of Hisor. The town slowly became a regional center of trade, though it most likely had significantly fewer than 10,000 people living within it at the time. The area was weakened in the early 1800’s by strife among the leaders of Hisor and the land’s northern neighbor Russia used the opportunity to grant Dushanbe to the Emir of Bukhara in 1868, this in return for lands taken form Bukhara by the Russian colonial machine.

By the time of the Russian Revolution, the areas of Hisor and Bukhara were almost completely within the sway of Russia, though Bukhara still had an emir and nominal symbolic control over the area. When the revolution broke out, the emir Sayyed Alem Khan would raise up his banner in revolt against the communist forces. But in August 1920, he was forced to flee to Dushanbe and make it his base from which to try to withstand the Russian advance from Tashkent. The city would fall to the Russian forces though on February 21, 1921 and the emir was forced to retreat into what is now Afghanistan.

This city would be subsequently sieged twice by local forces in 1921 and 1922, during which time they were given the name basmachi (literally meaning bandit) by the Russians, a name which though derogatory, quickly gained in popularity within the ranks of the local fighters. The siege which took place in 1922 would see the city captured again by basmachi forces. Unfortunately control of the area only lasted from February of that year until July, when the city was retaken by Russian forces. The net results of the back and forth fighting within the city was that the already meager population of circa 3,000 (1920) people would fall to just 283 people by 1924, with only about 40 buildings left standing within the city.

Though Dushanbe had been reduced to a virtual ghost town by the wars of the Russian Revolution, the city would in exchange be greatly improved during the Soviet period. When the Tadzhikistan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic was created in 1924, Dushanbe became its capitol. During the period that passed from that declaration until May of 1925, Dushanbe was officially recognized as a city and two nearby towns, Sari Osiyo and Shohmansur were incorporated into its borders. But growth during this first period was slow; the city would see improvements only trickle in, with the first railroad connection being created in 1929. Most of the buildings built during this time were single story mud brick buildings and the administrative functions of the region only trickled into Dushanbe.

Following the 1929 split of the Tadzhikistan SSR, into the western Uzbekistan SSR and the eastern Tajikistan SSR, of which Dushanbe remained the capital, the city’s growth would slowly accelerate. From the 1930s onward, the city received many new municipal and public buildings and population growth began to pick up. The 1940s saw an increase in the average building size as the city grew to new heights, though most were only four story buildings at most. The 1970s would see Dushanbe take on a more modern looking skyline, with some high-rise buildings beginning to appear within the city. Today the city encompasses both banks of the Dushanbe River, as well as a bank of the nearby Luchob River, a great expansion from its 1920s location along solely the west bank of the Dushanbe.

During the original period of Soviet control Dushanbe, the economy was based around local product demand, with light industry and small scale production dominating the economic landscape of the city. World War II, and the Soviet shift of industries to the east, would bring a large increase in the number of jobs available in the city, as well as the number of industrial jobs, primarily though these jobs were ranged around the textiles and food processing industries. Today the city has a fairly robust industrial base, one that makes up nearly the majority of the industry in Tajikistan, based around light industries, such as industrial machinery, textiles and food processing, as well as small scale radio, television and film industries.

With the end of Soviet Russia, in the 1990s, Dushanbe found itself a part of a free Tajikistan, but this would not all be for the best. Civil strife dominated the city and the new nation during this period, and Dushanbe would be thrust into the middle of the strife. With the warring that broke out between rival groups, though this fighting has been mostly in the southern part of Tajikistan, the future of Dushanbe has become less than sure. These issues have resulted in a small net drop from the 1989 population of 604,000 and an increase in the percentage of Tajik population within the city. With the continued fighting in the south, more and more people from rural areas of the country have fled north to Dushanbe. So in what should be a time of plenty and of new beginnings for the city and for the nation of Tajikistan, Dushanbe is instead pushed into a period of uncertainty. As its people find themselves now in a strife filled and war torn nation that ranks among the poorest in the world.



Sources
Travel in Dushanbe. (2000). AsiaTravelling.Net. Retrieved September 26, 2005, from Asia Travelling.net http://www.asiatravelling.net/tajikistan/dushanbe/dushanbe_history.htm
Dushanbe. (2005). Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved September 26, 2005, from Encyclopædia Britannica Premium Service http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-9031598
”Reconquista”: Follow the Money

Even before al-Mansur bi-Ilah’s death and the start of the Taifa Period, northern Iberians took full advantage of every opportunity that came along to add to their coffers at the expense of Muslim Spain. As early as 740, when North African Berbers revolted against the Arab elite, Alfonso I of Asturias launched a series of raids into the Duero valley. Other northern leaders did likewise. This intermittent acquisition of booty ignited and sustained a seemingly impossible desire for conquest. Up until the eleventh century, the inhabitants of the half-Christian North never attempted full-scale invasion. Continually bickering amongst themselves due to social, religious, and political differences, they lacked the requisite knowledge and political accord. Muslim Spain was too powerful for them. However, with time, a weak but distinct northern identity emerged, partly due to the common threat of southern antagonism, partly due to Christianization, and partly due to the shared dream of acquiring the riches of Umayyad Spain. This North could still hardly face up to centuries-old Muslim political and religious unity, but the ambition of its monarchs juxtaposed with developments within Hispania itself more than made up for any deficiencies, augmenting its chances of successful conquest.

Putting on Airs: Stealing “Protection Money” from a Divided al-Andalus

With the fall of the Cordoban Caliphate in the tenth century and the fragmentation of the southern Iberian Peninsula into weaker rival Taifa states, the Northern Christians finally had an opportunity of making real headway. Civil strife, or fitna, descended upon Muslim Spain. Politically, the individual Christian kingdoms were stronger than they had ever been, and though not one was as strong as the weakest Muslim-ruled state, collectively they did pose a substantial threat. The fabulous wealth of the South – pecuniary, agricultural, and intellectual – beckoned to them as it had always. However they no longer had to resort to sporadic bouts of raiding; they received regular tribute from the Muslims instead. Through parias, a Taifa state bought peace with the Christian state it paid, and assistance against enemies, both Christian and Muslim. As these payments were hardly voluntary, the Christian kingdoms became enormously wealthy. By way of Castile, León, Aragon, Barcelona, and other states, gold entered Northern Europe and revitalized the economy of Christendom. Alfonso VI was wealthy enough to endow part of his annual paria income upon the French monastic house of Cluny, subsequently famous throughout Europe and a force to consider in international politics. With fortune came fame. The prestige of León within Europe grew, and Alfonso stylized himself as totius hispaniae imperator. For a long time, the Iberian kingdoms had been making strategic marriage alliances with surrounding kingdoms and dukedoms in an attempt to increase political power. With wealth, marriage into Iberian royalty became more desirable to the upper strata of powerful French, German, and Italian states. But as they grew richer, the northern kingdoms also grew bolder; the rest of Christian Spain looked on with a mixture of pride and envy when Alfonso VI permanently took over the Taifa of Toledo in 1085, and eagerly followed his example. To justify themselves, they collectively labeled their territorial advances the reconquista; they were simply “reclaiming” that which the Arab-Berbers had usurped from their Roman-Visigothic “forefathers” – fertile lands that had since seen the growth of a number of populous, culturally-rich, and most importantly, income-generating Muslim cities. The lucrative age of parias came to an end, only to yield to an even more profitable period of reconquista.

Right of Return? Blood and Faith

Although it is true that Visigoths had fled north after the Muslim invasion of 711, the Visigothic presence in Spain as a whole had never been very big. The Northern Christians were more of an ethnic mix of indigenous Galician and Pyrenean peasantry, southern French settlers, and a paltry number of Germanic invaders rather than direct descendants of the Visigoths. Their ancestors had for the most part been pagans when Tariq invaded. The Northerners had lived under a dynastic, hereditary tradition, whereas the Visigoths had not. Theirs was a conquest rather than a re-conquest of Hispania. That they tried to justify themselves with a reconquista demonstrates the extent to which they perceived a money-motivated invasion as dishonorable. They could only seize wealth, for they lacked the means to produce it.

Post-conquest Pragmatism

The conquest of Muslim Spain was neither religiously nor socially motivated either. Rome attempted to extend the Crusades into the Iberian Peninsula; the Pope heartily approved of the Northern European campaigns against Muslim Spain and encouraged troops from France, England, and other crusading nations to join in the effort. The added support of the official church and other European states gave the Northern Iberians a greater sense of legitimacy than their claims of Visigothic ancestry in their hungry quest for fortune. After the mid-thirteenth century, when the conquest was nearly over, and most of Spain was partitioned among Castile-León, Aragon, and Portugal, the Northern Christian rulers neither attempted to cajole their newfound Muslim subjects into conversion nor forced them to relocate to Granada and North Africa. Instead, realizing the economic value of the experienced Muslim farmers of the countryside and skilled Muslim craftsmen of the towns of their newly conquered territory, they encouraged them to stay. To the chagrin of the Pope, the Christian monarchs guaranteed freedom of worship, uninterrupted property and inheritance rights, legal rights, and more. In some areas, mosques became churches, but for the most part, secular governments attempted to preserve the established socio-religious order for Muslims. The kings even repopulated key agricultural regions of Spain with knowledgeable Mudejars rather than inexperienced Christians. The Almoravids and the Almohads had led truly religious conquests of Spain, as opposed to these Christians.

Conclusion

The Christian conquest of Muslim Spain was thus largely economically-based. The reconquista was a political device of justification, supported by false historical and superficial religious claims. The northern Iberians had always wished to conquer Muslim Spain, but were unable to for the longest time. However, they seized every opportunity that they came their way to the fullest and ultimately ended up with most of the peninsula in their hands.

Monday, 6 August 1855. It was election day in Louisville, Kentucky. By the end of the day, this city of 43,000 would suffer a paroxysm of violence. A "reign of terror" ("Recalling...") in the words of the bishop. A local business, numerous buildings, and a neighborhood burned to the ground. Churches barely escaped destruction. Gunfire and beatings. Official numbers claim between 19 and 22 deaths (no one counted the numbers of wounded and homeless). Unofficial estimates go as high as 100. This became known to the citizens of Louisville as Bloody Monday.

Nativism, fearmongering, and anti-Catholicism boiled over in the heat and humidity of the August sun.

Coming to America

Germans
By the beginning of the Civil War (1860), there were over 1.3 million Germans living in the United States (total population 31.2 million), mostly arriving since 1848 when around 4,000 came to the US following the failed revolution of 1848 or the subsequent uprisings the following year. These tended to be somewhat radicalized immigrants, believing in such things as abolition of slavery and women's suffrage. Interestingly, as it will be clear later, there were largely anticlerical, if not atheists. Not only because of these and other ideas of uniting under social equality (which they viewed as an American democratic ideal—the founding fathers were considered radicals, too) and outspoken, even advocating such ideas, they were viewed with concern. That they were less radical than they were painted didn't matter. They were a large group of foreigners who were showing up following political instability.

It was a time when immigration was beginning to greatly increase in a nation less than a century old. By 1850 or so, some 40,000 immigrants were arriving per year. In 1851 Germans made up about 20% of that number and by 1854 it was over 50%. By 1860, four-fifths of these new citizens lived in the free states and two-thirds made their homes in just five (in 1850, there were 30 states): Illinois, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin. Though fewer lived in the slave states, like Kentucky, that state had one of the largest German populations outside of the others, mostly due to manufacturing development along the Ohio River. There were also fewer slaves in counties along its northern border. In 1860, there were 27,000 Germans living in Kentucky. About 70% of them lived in just three cities and Louisville boasted about half of the total German population. About a third were Catholic.

Irish
Living conditions had hardly been good before and when the potato famine hit in the mid 1840s, it sparked an explosion of immigration that led to great numbers of Irish citizens flooding into the US—almost two million between 1841 and 1860. In 1849, about 73% of the nearly 300,000 new Americans came from Ireland. Unlike the Germans, who were able to count a moderate amount of middle class people among their number, most of the Irish were poor, fleeing poverty and disease for a better life. This made assimilation more difficult because employment opportunities were scarce and many lacked the formal training or education of the Germans or "native" citizens (for a nation of immigrants, one's sense of full citizenship—full Americanship—and sense of the newcomers' lack thereof is striking by how quickly it occurred).

Upon reaching America, the Irish, like so many others before and after, tended to stick together for support and unity (and safety) before becoming a full part of the community. One of the strong ties that bound them together was religion. Most of the Irish were Catholic. While they had far fewer in numbers in Louisville (compared to the Germans), there was still a significant population living in their own neighborhoods.

Nativism and Anti-Catholicism

Us vs Them
People tend to find unity and security (physical and psychological) through identifying themselves, in part, by defining the "other." It is an us against them feeling that closely bonds the group, not only by positively identifying themselves, but through a negative definition of what they are not. As useful as it is, it is precarious because the numbers and proximity of the "other" can become a threat to the group's identity and sense of superiority. The influx of outsiders via immigration came to be seen as a threat to those native born who had only established their niche within the last one or two generations.

Other factors include the fear that this new strata of society will come in and overrun employment and (especially when the numbers are substantial—in reality or as perceived) compete for resources—the idea that they will take all the good land, for instance. There is also the concern that there will be an inversion of the status quo leaving those who felt established and who hold most or all of the power will become a real or perceived minority in both numbers, status, and socioeconomic class. Through their own struggle to establish themselves, many feel a sense of entitlement to their position and the threat from outside leads to fear, suspicion, discrimination, and even hatred.

This is exacerbated when the newcomers seem to keep to themselves instead of some sort of expected assimilation and retain the customs, language, and other beliefs of their homeland. New groups of Germans or Irish (whose poverty made them even more undesirable) showing up and living in ethnically segregated neighborhoods (which, of course, were allowed in order to keep them amongst their own kind), having their own holidays and traditions, speaking these non-English languages, and many being Catholic.

Anti-Pope
The established people, the native born—the Americans—began to fear usurpation by the increasing numbers of foreigners arriving on the shores. This led to a reaction against them based on many of the reasons above. A particularly toxic addition to the mix came in the form of anti-Catholicism. Catholics and Protestants have had a tense and even sometimes violent relationship since the Reformation and this didn't disappear which the founding of the nation.

Besides the long-standing animosity, the Protestant establishment feared the foreigners were a threat to US democracy, Catholics in particular. The centralized and hierarchical leadership of the Catholic church with its pope as the earthly spiritual leader for all Catholics was problematic for those who believed in the great democratic experiment. That this presupposed that Catholics deferred to the pope in all things without any evidence that it was true was irrelevant. The mere possibility of this stereotypical view of Catholics was enough to scare those in power. Who could trust these papists whose loyalty resides in the person of a foreign prince? Could they be depended on to obey US law? Fight its wars? Who could be patriotic when one's loyalty is held to one above the leader of the nation? There were also more personal fears like worrying what they might be teaching our children—especially if they were to rise to any political power.

Anti-Catholicism certainly existed from the early days of the nation and the flames were fueled by both pulpit and paper. In 1834, a mob (not a little incited by a local reverend) burned an Ursaline convent and girls' school to the ground in Charlestown, Massachusetts. The men were arrested and acquitted. Many were seen as heroes. Books and pamphlets detailing supposed abuses and plots by Catholics were circulated. In Philadelphia, 94 ministers formed the American Protestant Association. The group's constitution included "encouragement of Protestant ministers of the gospel, to give to their several congregations instruction on the differences between Protestantism and Popery," "circulation of books and tracts adapted to give information on the various errors of Popery in their history, tendency, and design," and "To awaken the attention of the community to the dangers which threaten the liberties, and the public and domestic institutions, of these United States from the assaults of Romanism" (www.xxicentury.org).

In addition to Protestant preachers sermonizing of the anti-Christian beliefs and other dangers of Catholics, they also strongly aligned themselves with a strong streak of patriotism, as if to suggest only their flavor of religion could be patriotic and truly American. Newspapers appeared in New York City and elsewhere taking this line to the greater populace outside of the church and reinforcing the message among those who attended. The fires continued to be stoked until riots broke in Philadelphia in 1844. Two churches and dozens of homes burned. The city had to be placed under martial law. In New York, when threats were made to the church, armed men had to stand outside Catholic houses of worship. Similar incidents (though on a far lesser scale) were scattered throughout the country.

"I know nothing."
Anti-Catholic/anti-immigration nativist groups began to organize politically, some being elected on a local level. In 1849, the Order of the Star-Spangled Banner (note the deliberate evocation of patriotism) was organized New York City. Its mission:

The object of this organization shall be to protect every American citizen in the legal and proper exercise of all his civil and religious rights and privileges; to resist the insidious policy of the Church of Rome, and all other foreign influence against our republican institutions in all lawful ways; to place in all offices of honor, trust, or profit, in the gift of the people, or by appointment, none but native-born Protestant citizens, and to protect, preserve and uphold the Union of these states and the Constitution of the same.
(www.xxicentury.org)

Soon similar secret lodges organized throughout the states.

The oddly amusing moniker of Know-Nothingism came from the way members, when asked about the party, they would claim to "know nothing" about it. The party held its greatest sway between 1850 and 1855. Its platform, unsurprisingly, demanded limitations on immigration, exclusion of voting rights for foreign-born citizens (who would not be allowed to hold public office), and the requirement for citizenship included a 21 year residency status. As it increased in membership (Catholics need not apply) and power, it became known as the American Party and ceased to be secretive (though it wasn't uncommon for the candidates to run without acknowledged affiliation).

1854 saw great success for the party with the American Party getting both state houses (the House of Representatives was composed of 376 Know-Nothings and two others of different parties), all state officers and the governor of Massachusetts. They also elected forty people to the national congress. The next year they elected governors to six states (including Kentucky). They carried elections in nine other states. They felt strong and the idea that "Americans must rule Americans" was within grasp.

Poison Ink
Louisville had its share of these "Americans." Its mayor John Barbee, was one. So was the editor of the local newspaper, The Louisville Journal. Along with the usual politicians and preachers, people like editor George Prentice, inflamed the people against these foreigners. On election day, he wrote "Let the foreigners let their elbows to themselves today at the polls. Americans are you ready? We think we hear you shout 'ready,' well fire! and may heaven have mercy on the foe"."

Prentice would write also about the danger of the "most pestilent influence of foreign swarms" and referred to the pope as "an inflated Italian despot who keeps people kissing his toes all day" ("Recalling..."). This sort of extremist and eliminationist talk from the prominent head of the city's paper could not help but push everything closer to the precipice.

Bloody Monday

Election Day
At the time of the 1855 elections, Louisville's population was about 43,000 with about 11,000 of them immigrants. About 70% of the population was native born, the rest foreign born. The polls were set to open at 6:00 AM. There were already long lines of citizens waiting to vote. Fewer voting places, especially in districts primarily made up of foreigners, made the long lines move slowly. Except for the Know-Nothings, who had been given yellow tickets enabling them to move through the voting process more quickly by allowing them to access the polls through different doors.

In two of the German and Irish districts, poll workers demanded proof of naturalization papers, slowing things even more as the August sun climbed higher in the sky. It is estimated that as many as 90% of the those voters were disenfranchised.

By noon, the long lines, heat, and frustration led to fewer and fewer voters coming to the polls. This undoubtedly gave the Know-Nothings the vote advantage that won them seats in the election. At midday, Know-Nothing supporters were wandering the streets (some masked) drunk on their success and prodigious amounts of whiskey. Some spent time intimidating other voters. And way too many of them were carrying clubs and guns and likely looking for what they probably thought would be payback. All that was needed was a precipitating event for the powder keg to blow.

Most sources agree on what that match was. Sometime between 10 AM and noon, some Irishmen (the reason isn't clear; the Courier-Journal describes them as "frustrated") attacked one of the "Americans." Also, someone took a shot at people in a carriage. All hell broke loose. In short time a mob of 500 began rioting their way through town. Shots rang out, both from the mob and from frightened citizens in their homes. Windows were broken, property destroyed, "foreigners" beaten. Some killed. Buildings were set afire as the angry wave flowed through the town.

As they neared St. Martin of Tours Catholic church, rumors broke out that it held a secret cache of weapons. This effectively marked it for destruction. Cannons were rolled up to its doors. The church was only saved when the mayor (himself a member of the anti-immigration party) personally searched it and persuaded the crowd that it was clear of any weapons. The rumor and search would be repeated at both the Cathedral of the Assumption and St. Patrick's church.

Mayor Barbee, with the help of editor Prentice (of all people), also helped save the offices of an anti-Know-Nothing newspaper from being destroyed. He pled for 50 more policemen to help control the rioters. Sadly, the Board of Alderman rejected the idea.

Fights had broken out near the courthouse and another mob formed. They stole the cannons from the courtyard grounds and headed down the street, numbers increasing as they went. The crowd marched to a local brewery, which after it was looted of its liquor, was burned to the ground. (The brewery was located near a place where shots had reportedly been fired at passersby—whether this was merely convenient or just serendipitous, there's no record.) The mob shot at anyone trying to escape the fire and seven or eight people were burned alive in the cellar. At least 20 buildings in the area were burned down.

Into the evening (around 7 PM) it was time for the Irish. As the mob spilled into the Irish part of town, people shot at the crowd from windows in their tenements. They were answered with the torch. Numerous buildings were burned, including twelve owned by one Francis Quinn. As earlier at the brewery, gunfire was trained on anyone trying to escape regardless of age or gender (Quinn, himself, was shot while escaping). Others perished in the fire while the fire brigades were told which buildings to save and which ones to let burn.

As the mob turned toward yet another section of the city, the passions waned and the march of destruction ended. According to local legend, it occurred when Saint Benedict appeared before the crowd. Regardless of what finally halted the mob, the fires would burn deep into the night.

Morning. The accounting came as the sun "drank up the vapors from literal pools of blood that stagnated in our familiar streets," according to one newspaper. Priests and nuns feared being seen on those city streets. The morning after hangover of the heady violence left a town trying to make sense of what had happened.

Bodies were brought in for a coroner's inquest. Each report read the same. It would be determined that the victim "Came to death by persons unknown." While there were victims on both sides, two-thirds of the dead were immigrants. No one really paid for the crimes committed the day before. There were some arrests but little or no punishment.

And the city started the healing process by blaming it on the foreigners. So it goes.

Aftermath

Unsurprisingly, the violence caused a flood of immigrants to leave Louisville. Shortly after, 400 Germans took off for Kansas and 300 Irishmen left for Cincinnati, Ohio by mail boat. Immigration societies were set up to help those who chose to pack up and go. The Germans resettled in Chicago, Cincinnati, Indianapolis, Milwaukee, St. Louis, and Minnesota. This was actually damaging to the town because many of these Germans were skilled and well-educated. Between 1852 and 1860, the German population declined by about 4,700.

Less skilled and educated (which made it more difficult to pull up stakes and be sure of finding work elsewhere), many Irish still fled the city. The people that left headed to Illinois, Missouri, Tennessee, and Wisconsin. Of the foreigners who remained, election day became a day to remain inside or leave town.

The city council voted to give the mayor $500 to dole out in increments of $5 to $20 to people who had been left homeless by the events. In 1869—14 years later—the family who had owned the brewery got some restitution. The family of Francis Quinn, who had lost a dozen buildings, never got a cent. The next year, more polling places were used during elections, since the long lines and frustrated voters were seen as one cause of the riots. Apparently, it had nothing to do with the bald-face bigotry and xenophobia.

For some time afterward, the burned out buildings and vandalized property just sat, no one wishing to purchase the property—as if it would acknowledge the city's shame. The outflow of citizens, who were selling their homes as cheaply as possible to facilitate a faster retreat, made property values crash. The city also gained a reputation as a place unfriendly (or even dangerous) to immigrants and unable to control its population. As late as 1897, the newspaper said that the events of that day still adversely affected the city's economy and ability to grow.

The violence helped contribute to the decline of the Know-Nothings. Many of their politicians were voted out the following year (by the end of the decade it would be virtually extinct). Within a few years, Louisville's Catholic and Protestant church leaders tried to work together.

Today

In present day Louisville one can no longer find the scars from that Monday in August. There is only a single possible exception. There are bullet holes in the cross on the steeple over St. Martin's. There's no certainty that they are from that day but it is a distinct possibility.

The city has struggled to overcome that past and tries to be open and promote religious and racial tolerance. Over the years, calls have been made for the removal of George Prentice's statue from the entrance to the library. It still stands there but now has a plaque explaining his relation to Bloody Monday. In 2002, protesters spray-painted Prentice blue. In 2005, people requested it be moved to the grounds of the Courier-Journal building (the current newspaper was formed when Prentice's paper and two others merged in 1868).

One hundred fifty years later, Louisville is still learning from the mistakes of its past.

Sources:
Articles from The Courier-Journal:
"Most traces of 1855 riot have vanished from the city" 30 July 2005
"Recalling Bloody Monday: Events to mark 1855 anti-immigrant riots in city" 30 July 2005
"Anti-immigrant bigotry in Louisville turned to violence 150 years ago. Its stain remains a part of our city's heritage" 31 July 2005 (uncited quotations from this article)
"Tragedy's stigma affected city's reputation, prosperity" 31 July 2005

The Catholic Encyclopedia (1907) entries for "Kentucky" and "Knownothinginsm" http://www.newadvent.org/cathen
"Forty-Eighters and Nativists" http://www.germanheritage.com/Essays/1848
"The History of Catholic America: Of Poison Pens and Politics" http://www.xxicentury.org/HCA/poisonpens.html
"Irish Immigration" http://www.assumption.edu/ahc/Irish/overview.html
"Irish Immigration" http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/USAEireland.htm
"Kentucky's German-Americans in the Civil War" http://www.geocities.com/kygermans/kgcw.html
"Know-Nothing Party" http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-9045808

Overview

Bishkek is a city of wide, tree lined boulevards and capital of the Central Asian nation of Kyrgyzstan. Called Pishpek upon its conquest by Russia in 1862 and Frunze during the Soviet period, the city was renamed to Bishkek following the independence of Kyrgyzstan. Settled high in the mountains, at an elevation of 750 to 900 m (2,500 – 3,000 ft), the city offers a grand view of the, permanently snowcapped, Kyrgyz Mountains to the south. Covering the Chui River Valley, and along the banks of the Alaarcha and Alamedin rivers, Bishkek has the Bolshov Chuysky Canal splitting its northern portion and numerous irrigation canals flowing along its streets.

Though originally relying on light industry and agriculture for the basis of its subsistence, Bishkek benefited heavily from World War II, when many of the threatened west Russian factories relocated to Central Asia. Looking for a safe area from which to produce Russia’s wartime needs, these factories would go on to bring much industrial and economic growth to what had been the small towns of the area. From this period Bishkek developed a strong machining and metalworking industry base that provides for the city even today. The city environs contain a large amount of parks and orchards, with many theatres and universities, chief among those the Academy of Sciences and the Kyrgyz State University. Overall these parks and tree lined streets help greatly beautify the otherwise drab Soviet architectural style that makes up a large part of the administrative and residential portions of the city. As of 2005 the city encompassed a population of around 900,000 people.

History

Bishkek was founded in 1825 by the Khanate of Kokand as a defense for their northern frontier with Russia. But the fort did not maintain its original goal for very long, falling in 1862 to Russian forces and being completely demolished. The site was rebuilt in 1877 though, by the Russians, and named Pishpek, which was a misspelling of the fort’s original name. What followed was a small scale colonization effort by Russia, which would see the city grow to 14,000 people by 1913 and become a chief administrative center. In 1924, the city became the capital of the Kyrgyz oblast (province) and retained that title when the area was reorganized into the Kyrgyz (and later Kirgiz) Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, though its name was changed to Frunze, in honor of the revolutionary leader Mikhail Vasilyevich Frunze, in 1926.

With the development of Bishkek’s industry, due to World War II, the city rapidly grew in size during the last three quarters of a century. By 1991, when Kyrgyzstan declared its independence from the fading USSR, the city was well deserving of being the capital of a new nation, with well over 630,000 people living within its bounds and a rather well developed industrial infrastructure. The city has rapidly left behind its heritage of heavy industry though, modernizing into a more service based economy with much lighter industries making up the majority of manufacturing. And though the city has been on the political map in the last few years due to a widely held belief in unfair elections, it has managed to grow quietly and rapidly in the most part.

During the war in Afghanistan the United States was given the rights to use the nearby Manas Air Force base for its strikes into Afghanistan. The base was renamed Ganci Airbase and became one of the main US headquarters. Russia would follow that move up with their own claim to a base in nearby Kant.



Sources
"Bishkek." Encyclopædia Britannica. 2005. Encyclopædia Britannica Premium Service 16 June 2005 .
“Bishkek.” Wikipedia. 2005. Wikipedia.org 16 June 2005 .
“Bishkek.” 2005. Tascali Reference 16 June 2005