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The same
ignorance, which renders barbarians incapable of conceiving or embracing the useful restraints of laws, exposes them
naked and unarmed to the blind terrors of
superstition. The German priests, improving this favorable
temper of their
countrymen, had assumed a
jurisdiction even in
temporal concerns, which the
magistrate could not venture to exercise; and the
haughty warrior patiently submitted to the
lash of correction, when it was inflicted, not by any human power, but by the
immediate order of the god of war.
64 The defects of civil policy were sometimes supplied by the interposition of
ecclesiastical authority. The latter was constantly exerted to maintain
silence and
decency in the popular assemblies; and was
sometimes extended to a more enlarged concern for the national welfare. A
solemn procession was occasionally celebrated in
the present countries of
Mecklenburgh and
Pomerania. The unknown symbol of the
Earth, covered with a thick veil, was
placed on a carriage drawn by cows; and in this manner the goddess, whose common residence was in the Isles of
Rugen,
visited several adjacent tribes of her worshippers. During her progress the sound of war was hushed, quarrels were suspended,
arms laid aside, and the restless Germans had an opportunity of tasting the blessings of
peace and
harmony.
65 The truce of
God, so often and so ineffectually proclaimed by the
clergy of the eleventh century, was an obvious imitation of this ancient
custom.
66
Footnote 64: Tacit. Germania, c. 7.
Footnote 65: Tacit. Germania, c. 40.
Footnote 66: See Dr. Robertson's History of Charles V. vol. i. note 10.
But the influence of
religion was far more powerful to
inflame, than to moderate, the fierce passions of the Germans. Interest and fanaticism often prompted its ministers to sanctify
the most daring and the most unjust enterprises, by the approbation of
Heaven, and full assurances of success. The consecrated
standards, long revered in the groves of superstition, were placed in the front of the battle;
67 and the hostile army was
devoted with dire execrations to the gods of
war and of
thunder.
68 In the faith of soldiers (and such were the Germans)
cowardice is the most unpardonable of sins. A brave man was the worthy favorite of their martial deities; the wretch who had
lost his shield was alike banished from the religious and civil assemblies of his countrymen. Some tribes of the north seem to
have embraced the doctrine of
transmigration,
69 others imagined a gross paradise of immortal drunkenness.
70 All agreed, that a life spent in arms, and a glorious death in battle, were the best preparations for a happy futurity, either in this or in
another world.
Footnote 67: Tacit. Germania, c. 7. These standards were only the heads of wild beasts.
Footnote 68: See an instance of this custom, Tacit. Annal. xiii. 57.
Footnote 69: Caesar Diodorus, and Lucan, seem to ascribe this doctrine to the Gauls, but M. Pelloutier (Histoire des Celtes, l. iii. c. 18) labors to reduce their expressions to a more orthodox sense.
Footnote 70: Concerning this gross but alluring doctrine of the Edda, see Fable xx. in the curious version of that book, published by M. Mallet, in his Introduction to the History of Denmark.
The immortality so vainly promised by the priests, was, in some degree, conferred by the bards. That singular order of men has
most deservedly attracted the notice of all who have attempted to investigate the antiquities of the
Celts, the Scandinavians, and
the Germans. Their genius and character, as well as the reverence paid to that important office, have been sufficiently illustrated.
But we cannot so easily express, or even conceive, the enthusiasm of arms and glory which they kindled in the breast of their
audience.
Among a polished people, a taste for poetry is rather an amusement of the fancy, than a passion of the soul. And yet,
when in calm retirement we peruse the combats described by
Homer or
Tasso, we are insensibly seduced by the fiction, and
feel a momentary glow of martial ardor. But how faint, how cold is the sensation which a peaceful mind can receive from
solitary
study! It was in the hour of
battle, or in the feast of victory, that the bards celebrated the glory of the heroes of ancient
days, the ancestors of those
warlike chieftains, who listened with transport to their artless but animated strains. The view of
arms and of danger heightened the effect of the military song; and the passions which it tended to excite, the desire of fame, and
the contempt of death, were the
habitual sentiments of a German mind.
71 *
Footnote 71: See Tacit. Germ. c. 3. Diod. Sicul. l. v. Strabo, l. iv. p. 197. The classical reader may remember the rank of Demodocus in the Phaeacian court, and the ardor infused by Tyrtaeus into the fainting Spartans. Yet there is little probability
that the Greeks and the Germans were the same people. Much learned trifling might be spared, if our antiquarians would condescend to reflect, that similar manners will naturally be produced by similar situations.
Footnote *: Besides these battle songs, the Germans sang at their festival banquets, (Tac. Ann. i. 65,) and around the bodies of their slain heroes. King Theodoric, of the tribe of the Goths, killed in a battle against Attila, was honored by songs while he was borne from the field of battle. Jornandes, c. 41. The same honor was paid to the remains of Attila. Ibid. c. 49. According
to some historians, the Germans had songs also at their weddings; but this appears to me inconsistent with their customs, in
which marriage was no more than the purchase of a wife. Besides, there is but one instance of this, that of the Gothic king,
Ataulph, who sang himself the nuptial hymn when he espoused Placidia, sister of the emperors Arcadius and Honorius,
(Olympiodor. p. 8.) But this marriage was celebrated according to the Roman rites, of which the nuptial songs formed a part.
Adelung, p. 382. - G. Charlemagne is said to have collected the national songs of the ancient Germans. Eginhard, Vit. Car.
Mag. - M.
Such was the situation, and such were the manners of the ancient Germans. Their climate, their want of learning, of arts, and of
laws, their notions of honor, of gallantry, and of
religion, their sense of freedom, impatience of peace, and thirst of enterprise, all
contributed to form a people of military heroes. And yet we find, that during more than two hundred and fifty years that elapsed
from the defeat of
Varus to the reign of
Decius, these formidable barbarians made few considerable attempts, and not any
material impression on the
luxurious and enslaved provinces of the empire. Their progress was checked by their want of arms
and discipline, and their fury was diverted by the intestine divisions of ancient Germany. I. It has been observed, with
ingenuity,
and not without truth, that the command of iron soon gives a nation the command of gold. But the rude tribes of Germany, alike
destitute of both those valuable metals, were reduced slowly to acquire, by their unassisted strength, the possession of the one
as well as the other. The face of a German army displayed their poverty of iron.
Sword, and the longer kind of
lance, they
could seldom use. Their frameoe (as they called them in their own language) were long spears headed with a sharp but narrow
iron point, and which, as occasion required, they either darted from a distance, or pushed in close onset. With this spear, and
with a shield, their cavalry was contented. A multitude of darts, scattered
72 with incredible force, were an additional resource
of the
infantry. Their military dress, when they wore any, was nothing more than a loose
mantle. A variety of colors was the
only ornament of their wooden or osier shields. Few of the chiefs were distinguished by cuirasses, scarcely any by helmets.
Though the horses of Germany were neither beautiful, swift, nor practiced in the skilful evolutions of the Roman manege, several
of the nations obtained renown by their
cavalry; but, in general, the principal strength of the Germans consisted in their infantry,
73 which was drawn up in several deep columns, according to the distinction of tribes and families. Impatient of fatigue and
delay, these half-armed warriors rushed to battle with
dissonant shouts and disordered ranks; and sometimes, by the effort of
native valor, prevailed over the constrained and more artificial
bravery of the Roman mercenaries. But as the barbarians poured
forth their whole souls on the first onset, they knew not how to rally or to retire. A repulse was a sure defeat; and a defeat was
most commonly total destruction. When we recollect the complete
armor of the Roman soldiers, their discipline, exercises,
evolutions, fortified camps, and military engines, it appears a just matter of surprise, how the naked and unassisted valor of the
barbarians could dare to encounter, in the field, the strength of the
legion, and the various troops of the auxiliaries, which
seconded their operations. The contest was too unequal, till the introduction of luxury had enervated the vigor, and a spirit of
disobedience and sedition had relaxed the discipline, of the Roman armies. The introduction of barbarian auxiliaries into those
armies, was a measure attended with very obvious dangers, as it might gradually instruct the Germans in the arts of war and of
policy. Although they were admitted in small numbers and with the strictest precaution, the example of
Civilis was proper to
convince the Romans, that the danger was not imaginary, and that their precautions were not always sufficient.
74 During the
civil wars that followed the death of Nero, that artful and intrepid
Batavian, whom his enemies condescended to compare with
Hannibal and
Sertorius,
75 formed a great design of freedom and ambition. Eight Batavian cohorts renowned in the wars of
Britain and Italy, repaired to his standard. He introduced an army of Germans into
Gaul, prevailed on the powerful cities of
Treves and
Langres to embrace his cause, defeated the legions, destroyed their fortified camps, and employed against the
Romans the military knowledge which he had acquired in their service. When at length, after an obstinate struggle, he yielded to
the power of the empire,
Civilis secured himself and his country by an honorable treaty. The
Batavians still continued to occupy
the islands of the Rhine,
76 the allies, not the servants, of the Roman monarchy.
Footnote 72: Missilia spargunt, Tacit. Germ. c. 6. Either that historian used a vague expression, or he meant that they were thrown at random.
Footnote 73: It was their principal distinction from the Sarmatians, who generally fought on horseback.
Footnote 74: The relation of this enterprise occupies a great part of the fourth and fifth books of the History of Tacitus, and is more remarkable for its eloquence than perspicuity. Sir Henry Saville has observed several inaccuracies.
Footnote 75: Tacit. Hist. iv. 13. Like them he had lost an eye.
Footnote 76: It was contained between the two branches of the old Rhine, as they subsisted before the face of the country was changed by art and nature. See Cluver German. Antiq. l. iii. c. 30, 37.
II. The strength of ancient Germany appears formidable, when we consider the effects that might have been produced by its
united effort. The wide extent of country might very possibly contain a million of warriors, as all who were of age to bear arms
were of a temper to use them. But this fierce multitude, incapable of concerting or executing any plan of national greatness, was
agitated by various and often hostile intentions. Germany was divided into more than forty independent states; and, even in each
state, the union of the several tribes was extremely loose and precarious. The barbarians were easily provoked; they knew not
how to forgive an injury, much less an insult; their resentments were
bloody and implacable. The casual disputes that so
frequently happened in their tumultuous parties of hunting or drinking, were sufficient to inflame the minds of whole nations; the
private feuds of any considerable chieftains diffused itself among their followers and allies. To chastise the insolent, or to plunder
the
defenseless, were alike causes of war. The most formidable states of Germany affected to encompass their territories with a
wide frontier of solitude and devastation. The awful distance preserved by their neighbors attested the
terror of their arms, and
in some measure defended them from the danger of unexpected incursions.
77
Footnote 77: Caesar de Bell. Gal. l. vi. 23.
"The Bructeri
* (it is Tacitus who now speaks) were totally exterminated by the neighboring tribes,
78 provoked by their
insolence, allured by the hopes of spoil, and perhaps inspired by the tutelar deities of the empire. Above sixty thousand
barbarians were destroyed; not by the Roman arms, but in our sight, and for our entertainment. May the nations, enemies of
Rome, ever preserve this
enmity to each other! We have now attained the utmost verge of
prosperity,
79 and have nothing left
to demand of
fortune, except the discord of the barbarians."
80 - These sentiments, less worthy of the humanity than of the
patriotism of Tacitus, express the invariable maxims of the policy of his countrymen. They deemed it a much safer expedient to
divide than to
combat the barbarians, from whose defeat they could derive neither honor nor advantage. The money and
negotiations of Rome insinuated themselves into the heart of Germany; and every art of
seduction was used with
dignity, to
conciliate those nations whom their proximity to the Rhine or Danube might render the most useful friends as well as the most
troublesome enemies. Chiefs of renown and power were flattered by the most trifling presents, which they received either as
marks of distinction, or as the instruments of
luxury. In civil dissensions the weaker faction endeavored to strengthen its interest
by entering into secret connections with the governors of the frontier provinces. Every quarrel among the Germans was
fomented by the intrigues of Rome; and every plan of union and public good was defeated by the stronger bias of private
jealousy and interest.
81
Footnote *: The Bructeri were a non-Suevian tribe, who dwelt below the duchies of Oldenburgh, and Lauenburgh, on the borders of the Lippe, and in the Hartz Mountains. It was among them that the priestess Velleda obtained her renown. - G.
Footnote 78: They are mentioned, however, in the ivth and vth centuries by Nazarius, Ammianus, Claudian, &c., as a tribe of Franks. See Cluver. Germ. Antiq. l. iii. c. 13.
Footnote 79: Urgentibus is the common reading; but good sense, Lipsius, and some Mss. declare for Vergentibus.
Footnote 80: Tacit Germania, c. 33. The pious Abbe de la Bleterie is very angry with Tacitus, talks of the devil, who was a murderer from the beginning, &c., &c.
Footnote 81: Many traces of this policy may be discovered in Tacitus and Dion: and many more may be inferred from the principles of human nature.
The general
conspiracy which terrified the Romans under the reign of
Marcus Antoninus, comprehended almost all the nations of Germany, and even
Sarmatia, from the mouth of the Rhine to that of the Danube.
82 It
is impossible for us to determine whether this hasty confederation was formed by necessity, by reason, or by passion; but we
may rest assured, that the barbarians were neither allured by the indolence, nor provoked by the ambition, of the Roman
monarch. This dangerous invasion required all the firmness and
vigilance of Marcus. He fixed generals of ability in the several
stations of attack, and assumed in person the conduct of the most important province on the Upper Danube. After a long and
doubtful conflict, the spirit of the barbarians was subdued. The
Quadi and the Marcomanni,
83 who had taken the lead in the
war, were the most severely punished in its catastrophe. They were commanded to retire five miles
84 from their own banks
of the Danube, and to deliver up the flower of the youth, who were immediately sent into
Britain, a remote island, where they
might be secure as
hostages, and useful as soldiers.
85 On the frequent rebellions of the Quadi and Marcomanni, the irritated
emperor resolved to reduce their country into the form of a province. His designs were disappointed by death. This formidable
league, however, the only one that appears in the two first centuries of the
Imperial history, was entirely dissipated, without
leaving any traces behind in Germany.
Footnote 82: Hist. Aug. p. 31. Ammian. Marcellin. l. xxxi. c. 5. Aurel. Victor. The emperor Marcus was reduced to sell the rich furniture of the palace, and to enlist slaves and robbers.
Footnote 83: The Marcomanni, a colony, who, from the banks of the Rhine occupied Bohemia and Moravia, had once erected a great and formidable monarchy under their king Maroboduus. See Strabo, l. vii. Note: The Mark-manaen, the March-men or borderers. There seems little doubt that this was an appellation, rather than a proper name of a part of the great Suevian or Teutonic race. - M.
Footnote 84: Mr. Wotton (History of Rome, p. 166) increases the prohibition to ten times the distance. His reasoning is specious, but not conclusive. Five miles were sufficient for a fortified barrier.
Footnote 85: Dion, l. lxxi. and lxxii.
In the course of this introductory chapter, we have confined ourselves to the general outlines of the manners of Germany,
without attempting to describe or to distinguish the various tribes which filled that great country in the time of
Caesar, of
Tacitus,
or of
Ptolemy. As the ancient, or as new tribes successively present themselves in the series of this history, we shall concisely
mention their origin, their situation, and their particular character. Modern nations are fixed and permanent societies, connected
among themselves by laws and
government, bound to their native soil by arts and agriculture. The German tribes were voluntary
and fluctuating associations of soldiers, almost of savages. The same territory often changed its inhabitants in the tide of
conquest and emigration. The same communities, uniting in a plan of defense or invasion, bestowed a new title on their new
confederacy. The dissolution of an ancient
confederacy restored to the independent tribes their peculiar but long-forgotten
appellation. A victorious state often communicated its own name to a vanquished people. Sometimes crowds of volunteers
flocked from all parts to the standard of a favorite leader; his camp became their country, and some circumstance of the
enterprise soon gave a common denomination to the mixed multitude. The distinctions of the ferocious invaders were
perpetually varied by themselves, and confounded by the astonished subjects of the Roman empire.
86
Footnote 86: See an excellent dissertation on the origin and migrations of nations, in the Memoires de l'Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xviii. p. 48 - 71. It is seldom that the antiquarian and the philosopher are so happily blended.
Wars, and the administration of public affairs, are the principal subjects of history; but the number of persons interested in these
busy scenes is very different, according to the different condition of
mankind. In great monarchies, millions of obedient subjects
pursue their useful occupations in peace and obscurity. The attention of the writer, as well as of the reader, is solely confined to
a court, a
capital, a regular army, and the districts which happen to be the occasional scene of military operations. But a state of
freedom and
barbarism, the season of civil commotions, or the situation of
petty republics,
87 raises almost every member of
the
community into action, and consequently into notice. The irregular divisions, and the restless motions, of the people of
Germany,
dazzle our
imagination, and seem to multiply their numbers. The profuse enumeration of kings, of warriors, of armies
and nations, inclines us to forget that the same objects are continually repeated under a variety of appellations, and that the most
splendid appellations have been frequently lavished on the most inconsiderable objects.
Footnote 87: Should we suspect that Athens contained only 21,000 citizens, and Sparta no more than 39,000? See Hume and Wallace on the number of mankind in ancient and modern times.
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To cite original text:
Gibbon, Edward, 1737-1794.
The history of the decline and fall of the Roman Empire. 1st ed. (London : Printed for W. Strahan ; and T. Cadell, 1776-1788.), pp. 234-241.